WASHINGTON DIARY: A deeper crisis –Dr Manzur Ejaz | Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF)

Pakistan Press Foundation

WASHINGTON DIARY: A deeper crisis –Dr Manzur Ejaz

The fact is that even the mainstream opposition parties, PPP and PMLN are not too accepting of an independent judiciary or media. They may be supporting the judiciary and media right now, for pragmatic reasons, but once in power, their attitudes might not remain consistent

General Musharraf’s imposition of emergency and crackdown on the judiciary, media and other liberal-secular forces in Pakistan is all over the US media. Every newspaper and TV channel is reporting daily developments and providing analyses.

However, one does not see a penetrating insight into the fast changing scene of Pakistani politics. Like the Pakistani press, most of the so-called analytical pieces are either running commentaries or rearrangements of historical facts into different schemes. No one is analysing it as a major contradiction between emerging institutions of civil society and the out-dated political set-up that includes the opposition parties as well as the primitive state.

It is obvious that no one is looking beyond Gen Musharraf. However, if viewed closely, the existing political parties, just like Gen Musharraf and his allies, would be unable to reconcile with an independent judiciary and free media. Therefore, the crisis may linger even after Musharraf has exited the political scene, taking unforeseen twists and turns. But for now, new forces are emerging in Pakistan and among Pakistanis abroad to reconfigure the entire political scene.

A new breed of Pakistani-American anti-Musharraf activists is mushrooming in the US. Most of these new activists have never participated in politics and a sizeable number of second generation expatriates are joining the first generation of Pakistani Americans for the first time. Even the World Bank technocrats of Pakistani origin are willing to come out against the crackdown on judiciary and news media. It was a surprise to me when I was assured by an activist that even her father and brother, both working for the World Bank, are prepared to join demonstrations again Gen Musharraf’s government.

The encouragement for coming out against Gen Musharraf may be partially originating from the Bush Administration’s support for a democratic Pakistan. It has created an impression that the Department of Homeland Security in the US will not be alarmed by or averse to the Pakistani Muslims’ activism. Usually, one of the reasons, besides apathy, that most Muslim expatriates stay away from taking part in anti-war demonstrations and other such activities has been the fear of persecution because of their religious preference; Muslims are, generally, viewed as suspects in the post September 11 USA.

This time around, however, mainstream professional groups in the US have initiated or participated in the demonstrations and protests for the restoration of an independent judiciary in Pakistan. The American Bar Association and its various regional branches have taken out huge processions in Washington DC, Madison, Wisconsin and other cities in the recent days. Most of the organisations belonging to the legal profession or the domain of human rights have been supporting democracy in Pakistan through resolutions. Other mainstream professional groups and anti-war political outfits are also participating in the demonstrations against the Musharraf government.

As a result of this heightened anti-Musharraf activism, the US executive and legislative branches have come under tremendous pressures to take actions against the Musharraf government.

Activism for a democratic Pakistan is the result of emerging consensus in the US that, ultimately, the military alone cannot rout extremism. The US has had first hand experience in Iraq and Afghanistan where, despite pressure from Congress, the Administration has not been able to enforce a political alternative.

Now, if the Bush Administration fails to accomplish it in Pakistan, it will be in a lot of trouble with the Congress and the Senate. The administration can still get away with its failure in Iraq and Afghanistan, claiming that there are no desirable pro-US political parties but it will be impossible to explain failure in Pakistan where the perception is that mainstream political parties are either pro-US or do not at least oppose its agenda. Therefore, the Bush Administration is pushing for political solutions in Pakistan on the war footing basis. Probably, political change is being viewed as seriously as the war operations in Iraq and Afghanistan by the State Department and Pentagon.

The US was reluctant to support pro-democratic forces in the initial stages of the mass movement for restoration of the suspended Chief Justice. Washington circles were apprehensive that religious parties will be the ultimate beneficiaries of any movement against Gen Musharraf. The secular content of the movement and Pakistani people’s thrust for a modern state was being ignored because of the experience of past movements in Pakistan. However, with the passage of time, US policy makers have come around to appreciating that the ongoing political process will lead to the marginalisation of religious parties.

Despite Pakistani expatriates’ pro-democracy activism and the official US thrust for restoration of democratic institution, there are very few who are really grasping the depth of the crisis, which is largely being viewed as a battle between Gen Musharraf’s personal ambitions and society’s will to change the status quo. There is hardly anyone viewing it as a major contradiction between the emergence of new institutions and the current political set-up of Pakistan.

The fact is that even the mainstream opposition parties, PPP and PMLN are not too accepting of an independent judiciary or media. They have been at odds with both institutions in the past. They may be supporting the judiciary and media right now, for pragmatic reasons, but once in power, their attitudes might not remain consistent. Therefore, the crisis may linger on for some time.

Meanwhile, the society is showing more signs of wanting to reconfigure the political status-quo. The uprooting of Islami Jamiat-e Tulaba in Punjab University, after three decades, is a sign of change that is underway in more fundamental ways than most analysts realise.
Source: Daily Times
Date:11/21/2007